Public Affairs

Changed tone from Sinn Féin

sf-ard-fheis-2013-mcguinness1 Tensions at Stormont contributed to strong rhetoric from Sinn Féin at this year’s ard fheis. Peter Cheney analyses the party’s main messages.

Sinn Féin’s 2013 ard fheis saw the party uniting in strong criticism of its rivals and also a renewed push to transfer more powers from Westminster to Stormont. The event was held in Castlebar, County Mayo, on 12-14 April.

After devolution was restored, Sinn Féin’s northern ministers took a more measured tone than their southern counterparts who remained in opposition. The flag protests and the Executive’s split over welfare reform increased tensions at Stormont over the winter months and Sinn Féin has returned to some of its traditional rhetoric.

2013 marks Adams’ 30th year as Sinn Féin President. He says that he will “certainly lead” the party into the next Irish general election, potentially in 2016.

As expected, Adams criticised the Irish Government’s austerity policies. In doing so, he described Ireland as “the best small country in the world for big bankers, crooked developers or corrupt politicians.”

Later in the speech, Adams had upbeat praise for the island: a “great country” but still partitioned. “Imagine a new, agreed Ireland,” he commented. “Imagine the unity of orange and green. Imagine a fair society and an economy run democratically in the interests of all citizens.”

His call for Labour to leave government was fiercely rejected by that party’s TDs. Labour attracted just 9 per cent support in a Sunday Independent poll in March and came fifth in the Meath East by-election. Another rival, though, is making up its lost ground. Fianna Fáil was the largest party in the poll, attracting 29 per cent of support compared to 20 per cent for Sinn Féin.

Adams repeated his priorities in the North’s political process i.e. a border poll, a truth commission, a bill of rights, and the release of prisoners Marian Price and Martin Corey.

He referred to the “added vexation about the flying of flags on public buildings” as the marching season started. Adams said that loyalist communities “have more in common with their republican neighbours than they may realise” and called on republicans on “build alliances on social and economic issues with working class loyalists and unionists.”

Vice-President Mary Lou McDonald focused her criticism on the Croke Park 2 deal on public sector pay and pensions in the South: “Remember these cutbacks, attacks on public sector workers and reductions in staffing numbers affect the services that we all rely on.”

The number of public sector staff in the North, though, has fallen by 12,400 since a peak in 2009 with reductions in every quarter. Sinn Féin blames the job losses on UK Government spending cuts.

gerry-adams-an-phoblacht Challenges

Policing Spokesman Gerry Kelly’s speech was blamed by the DUP for deepening divisions between the two main parties. In his most serious allegation, Kelly claimed that Chief Constable Matt Baggott had “lost the confidence of the republican and nationalist people” over the policing of the flag protests. The PSNI cannot respond directly to political criticism but senior officers have said that a heavier response could have led to more violence.

Martin McGuinness started his speech by contrasting austerity in the South with the Executive’s policies e.g. no water charges and a freeze on student fees. Peter Robinson uses the same approach at DUP conferences to highlight the benefits of devolution.

“There are real and significant challenges facing the Executive in the time ahead,” he stated, before adding: “But no challenge is insurmountable.” The deputy First Minister was willing to consider a smaller Assembly and fewer government departments but his support was conditional: “Inclusivity and power-sharing are the bedrock of the political institutions in the North. Any proposals for change will be meticulously proofed against both.”

McGuinness’ public call for a “proper and open debate” on replacing parity shows that this is clearly a priority for Sinn Féin in the North. His refusal to “tolerate the introduction of a bedroom tax” also has support from the SDLP, Ulster Unionists and Alliance.

The deputy First Minister said that Sinn Féin would “deploy a petition of concern on this clause” but the SDLP pointed out that it had already tabled such a petition, four days before the ard fheis.

Ninety per cent of the Executive’s  £10.7 billion budget is funded by the block grant and the extra £5.4 billion for benefits comes directly from the Treasury.

Supporters of parity warn of the final costs of a break but republicans claim that extra tax-raising powers can make up the difference. For now, financial dependence on Westminster means that Sinn Féin and unionists alike face difficult financial decisions which, in turn, often limit their policy choices.

Internal debates

Only six of the 252 motions were rejected by delegates. Delegates from Mayo called for political advertising to be permitted on local radio stations, which is currently not allowed under the strict rules governing broadcasting north and south of the border.

A branch (cumann) from Sligo proposed ‘delegate weighting’ at major election conventions i.e. giving more votes to branches whose constituencies gained the highest number of votes for Sinn Féin. At present, all branches have an equal say but the proposers said that the new system would reward success and encourage other branches to do better.

Suggestions to exempt university and college branches (and members in financial difficulties) from party fees were also turned down. The ard fheis rejected proposals to allow abortion on demand or to allow members a conscience vote on the issue. All but one of the dissenting motions came from southern branches, which suggests greater loyalty in the North.

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