Order of Bath
Companion (CB)

Carol Patricia Moore, lately director, justice policy, Department of Justice

Order of the British Empire
Dame Commander (DBE)

Professor Judith Eileen Hill CBE, chief executive, Northern Ireland Hospice

Commanders (CBE)
Catherine Elizabeth Bell, deputy secretary, Department for Employment and Learning

Professor Jack Crane, state pathologist

Officers (OBE)
David William Best, director of finance and support services, PSNI

Darren Christopher Clarke, for services to golf

James Dobson, managing director, Dunbia

James Stephen Foster, head of corporate real estate and sourcing (Europe, Middle East and Africa), JP Morgan Chase

David Alexander Gibson, senior lecturer, enterprise education, Queen’s University Belfast

David Dunbar Mawhinney, managing director, Equiniti-ICS

Fionnuala McAndrew, director of children and executive director for social work, Health and Social Care Board

Professor James Andrew McLaughlin, advanced functional materials, University of Ulster

Reverend Wilfred John Orr, Newtownbreda Presbyterian Church

Shelagh Rosemary Rainey, chair, Belfast Education and Library Board

Reverend William Alexander Shaw, director, 174 Trust

Joanne Stuart, former chairman, Institute of Directors, Northern Ireland Division

Members (MBE)
Esther Robina Yvette Anderson, musical director, PSNI Ladies Choir

Philip Moore Bolton, director of music, Royal Belfast Academical Institution

Beverley Eleanor Ann Burns, Trading Standards Service, Department of Enterprise, Trade and Investment

Dr Samuel John Burnside

Dr Linda Margaret Caughley, consultant histopathologist, Northern Ireland Cancer Registry

Brian Dorman

Jeffrey Edward Anthony Dudgeon

Charles Herbert Gerard Gould, chairman, board of governors, Carrickfergus Grammar School

Robert James Haughey

Dr Raman Kapur, chief executive, Threshold

Eileen May Kenny, head of quality, South West College

Lily Kerr, head of bargaining and representation, UNISON Northern Ireland

George Gordon Archibald Knowles, welfare officer, Disabled Police Officers’ Association

Renée Alice Logan, volunteer, Institute of Advanced Motorists

Flora Magee

Rosemary Magill, Women’s Aid

Anne Marie Marley, respiratory nurse consultant, Belfast Health and Social Care Trust

Henry Irwin Mayne, social worker, Belfast Health and Social Care Trust

Ann McCrea, breastfeeding co-ordinator

Patricia McDermott

Patrick McGonagle, managing director, Pakflatt Ltd

Rory McIlroy, golfer

William James McKittrick

Maura Muldoon

Robina Parkes

James Peel JP, lately assistant senior education officer, South Eastern Education and Library Board

Alderman John Mervyn Rea, Antrim Borough Council

Agnes Mary Reilly, chairman, Belfast Titanic Society

David Robinson, founder, Northern Ireland Transplant Association

Robert Moore Robinson, principal, Rainey Endowed School, Magherafelt

Richard Michael Sherry

David Smith, director, customer support, South Eastern Regional College

Councillor Marion Smith, North Down Borough Council

Eileen Watson, lately teacher, Ashfield Girls High School, Belfast

Thomas Joseph Welsh

John Victor Williamson, owner, Valley Hotel, Fivemiletown

Queen’s Police Medal
Detective Chief Inspector

Kim McCauley

Acting Inspector

Alexander Penney

Sergeant Russell Vogan

The BEM returns
In the Queen’s birthday honours this summer, the British Empire Medal will be reintroduced to recognise local acts of voluntary service. It was established in 1917 but discontinued by John Major in 1993, as it overlapped with the MBE and was seen as reinforcing class divisions. Recipients tended to come from working class backgrounds. David Cameron, though, sees it a way to reward a wider range of volunteers. Presentations were made by a Lord Lieutenant rather than the Queen, and this will continue through the new system.

Peter Cheney discusses the idea with the NIO Minister.

Instead of a cover for cuts, Hugo Swire sees the Big Society as a kind of confession. The NIO Minister, who leads on the subject in the province, describes it as an admission that “big government can’t always do it, shouldn’t always do it and when it does things, it doesn’t always do it very well.”

He sums up David Cameron’s concept as a transfer of power from the state to local people so they have more of a say in how their lives are run. The fundamental belief is that “the people who do things best for their communities are those people who live in those communities themselves.”

The Minister earlier addressed the UK Association of Preservation Trusts’ national conference at the Crescent Arts Centre. The Big Society, he told delegates, had three pillars:

1. decreasing the power of Whitehall and bringing decisions much closer to people;

2. reforming and opening up public services; and

3. encouraging social action.

Ministers have been keen to stress that the Big Society already exists and they want to make it ‘bigger’.

The UK Government’s plans will have the most impact in England, where Westminster has a free hand. Elsewhere, it has financial levers but otherwise has to persuade devolved administrations. Some voluntary sector groups are supportive, others sceptical.

Cameron launched the name Big Society through the Guardian’s Hugo Young lecture, in November 2009, but has emphasised the same theme since his leadership election speech in October 2005: “We know we have a shared responsibility, that we’re all in this together, that there is such a thing as society; it’s just not the same thing as the state.”

That contrasted with Margaret Thatcher’s 1987 comment: “And who is society? There is no such thing.” Swire points interviewers to the full quote, which continues: “There are individual men and women and there are families and no government can do anything except through people and people look to themselves first.”

Transferring power from government, he thinks, is “rather radical” and not unique to Conservatives. Many of his party members in East Devon are involved in charities, churches and fundraising. So too are people from other political backgrounds: “We want to recognise those people. We want to support those people. We want to encourage those people and we want there to be more of those people.”

Critiques

“Our critics have to say something,” he says when rejecting Ed Miliband’s view of the Big Society as “a cloak for the small state”. Swire adds: “As a Conservative, I actually believe personally that it is the individuals who should be empowered against the state. If that’s radical, so be it.”

From the right wing, Adam Smith Institute Director Eamonn Butler says the idea is a ‘brand’ and any ‘good’ government policy will be called the Big Society. “I think that what that’s missing is the very clear things that we’re doing,” Swire responds, pointing to Big Society Capital and National Citizen Service.

“It’s actually a sort of philosophical change. It’s a mindset. It actually represents a very fundamental shift in thinking and I think, ultimately, will come to define David Cameron’s premiership.”

Charities, social enterprises, private companies and co-operatives (including those owned by public sector workers) will compete to run public services, at least in England.

The proposed Big Society Bank has been renamed Big Society Capital to distinguish it from high street banks and is due to operate from April 2012.

Big Society Capital will not make direct grants but will instead act as a wholesaler of capital, attracting funding from foundations, institutional investors, companies and private individuals, to invest in intermediary organisations. Applicants, from all parts of the UK, could approach the intermediary organisations and access capital at a more competitive rate than through a normal bank. Independent of government, the organisation will initially receive an estimated £400 million from dormant bank accounts and £200 million from HSBC, RBS, Lloyds and Barclays (so-called Merlin money).

Swire was most passionate about the National Citizen Service as, after the English riots, “if there was ever a time to give teenagers a sense of belonging and purpose, it is now.”

The service, piloted in England last summer, brings together 16-year olds from different social backgrounds for a residential trip. Similarly to the Duke of Edinburgh Awards, young people take part in outdoor pursuits, design a community project and carry out 30 hours of part-time social action. Ten thousand young people took part and the UK Government is discussing a Northern Ireland version with the Executive.

Whether or not that goes ahead, Swire notes that the province’s Big Society is “alive and well in myriad different forms”. Indeed, he brought David Cameron to see the ARC healthy living centre in Irvinestown back in June, a high profile illustration of Britain learning from Northern Ireland’s experience.

Down to specifics

The Big Society is often written off as woolly and waffly but detailed policies are now taking shape. The National Citizen Service and the Big Society Capital Group are the two highest profile examples to date. In May, the Cabinet Office released its giving white paper, which highlights the following UK-wide schemes:

• Cutting inheritance tax from 40 to 36 per cent where 10 per cent or more of an estate goes to charity (takes effect from April 2012);

• Charitable giving through ATMs, being explored by banks, building societies and cash machine operators (operational later this year);

• JustTextGiving launched by the mobile phone industry (in May) after a challenge from government;

• The Do Some Good app for iPhones;

• The independent Philanthropy UK service encouraging more giving from wealthy individuals

(to receive £700,000 from government to develop its work).

Innovative pilots include the Round Pound scheme, allowing shoppers to round up their bills to the nearest pound and donate the difference to charity, and the Spice initiative (pioneered in south Wales) which thanks volunteers with a small gift e.g. off-peak swimming, spare theatre seats.

Community and voluntary groups across the UK can also apply for Big Society Awards. Winners receive a signed certificate from the Prime Minister and are invited to a networking event and 10 Downing Street reception.

The British Empire Medal (see page 7 in this edition) is being reintroduced to reward volunteering.

All UK Government ministers have pledged to volunteer for a day in the community. Swire had an army of NIO “weeders, sweepers, painters and cleaners” and was open to suggestions for projects.

More info: www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/big-society

Less than a year before the USA chooses a new President, Jim Naughtie finds that many Americans no longer believe in the American Dream. The BBC Today Programme presenter has covered every presidential election since 1988 and is discussing the current state of US politics after speaking at the Belfast Festival at Queen’s.

“Many Americans, say aged between 30 and 50, are profoundly sceptical of the idea with which they grew up, that it was almost an inheritance of theirs that every generation would be better off than the one before,” he comments.

That idea of constant progress was treated as an “absolute fact” that “made you an American” but now rings hollow in the Rust Belt and across the South. Indebtedness to China and Japan are major worries. Together, those countries hold around 45 per cent of US foreign debt.

“The idea that America no longer rules the waves is one that [has] really taken hold,” Naughtie reflects with some regret. “It’s extremely hard to use the word pessimism in relation to the States because it’s the most optimistic country in the world. And there will be a huge amount of rhetoric [this year] about ‘the Americans will bounce back, we’ll do it, that’s what we are etc. etc.’ but I think underneath that there’s a real lurking fear that it’s no longer true.”

A decade of conflict since 9/11 has added to that fear. Realising the threat of terrorism was a “profound shock” and Americans are “slightly bewildered” that they are no safer after the Iraq and Afghanistan invasions. Around 6,200 US troops have died and 47,000 have been injured in both campaigns.

An old saying goes that voters don’t make up their minds after baseball’s World Series is over, which makes for a lot of deciding in the last week of October.

Obama will undoubtedly have to “carry the can” for unemployment, pay cuts and repossessions on his watch and there is now a “sense of quite steep disillusionment” among young people.

Turning to the Republican side, Naughtie adds: “There is absolutely no doubt that the person that the White House fears most is Mitt because he is competent. He is actually more personable than he was in the last campaign.”

Mitt Romney avoids the false conspiracy theories about Obama and instead paints him as “rather a nice guy” who wants the same things as him but “doesn’t know how the world works”. To win the primaries, though, Romney will play to the Tea Party with right-wing rhetoric.

“It’s beyond me to imagine that they could nominate Rick Perry but it’s not impossible,” Naughtie adds. While the Texas Governor is a “seasoned politician,” he has shown a “real lack of grip” on the Middle East, among other issues.

Romney’s weaknesses are his liberalism, faith and wealth. As Massachusetts Governor, he introduced a nearly universal health insurance plan. Many evangelicals “regard Mormonism as a cult” and it’s also “very easy to portray him as a very rich, smooth, Wall Street corporate fat cat, largely because that is indeed what he is.”

Although Americans frequently talk about freedom, enterprise and the American Dream, “very rich folks from Wall Street are not the flavour of the month” at the moment. However, Naughtie’s hunch is “if the Republican Party is serious about winning the election, they should nominate him.”

His own experience of America goes back to studying at Syracuse, upstate New York, back in the mid-1970s. He clearly regrets the polarisation and growing cynicism in its society, which in turn causes serious political damage.

The American constitutional settlement assumed that parties in Congress would search for consensus but his sources in Washington are “very gloomy about the prospects of any administration and Congress being able to sort out some of the deep-seated problems because the ideological rift is so profound now.”

Partisan talk shows and radio reflect the prejudices of their audiences, who are “not interested in hearing another point of view”. An ex-army colonel and Tea Party activist whom he met in Kentucky only listened to Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck.

Getting answers

Hearing that makes him more proud of British radio’s style: “We have managed to preserve in this country the idea of the interview as being something that is an opportunity for people to hear their concerns, their questions, being put and answered.”

For almost every interview, his rule is: “You work out what the one thing is you want to know or you’ve at least got to be determined to get at, and everything else is a bonus.”

Going with the conversational flow is better than sticking to a plan. An alert interviewer who listens to the answers can pick up something intriguing, unexpected or surprising.

Naughtie sums up: “In a good interview, the person being interviewed has always had an opportunity to put their case across, assuming they’ve got one, but the question that most of your listeners want to hear asked has been asked and answered.” The art of it is “letting people feel that they really have learnt something, that light has been cast on something.”

On radio, it’s hard to avoid interrupting a down-the-line interview and eye contact makes the process much more straightforward. “Politicians and experienced people know it. When they’re actually there, it’s much better for us and it’s much better for them too,” he comments.

Realistically, some BBC services to the public will be hit by cuts. That said, he thinks that austerity is forcing to BBC to “think very hard” about its core values and what it does best.

“The BBC can never win because it’s got to try to please everybody, which is impossible,” he quips. With News International on the defensive, when it could otherwise be criticising the licence fee, this is “rather a happy coincidence.”

Reactions to Sands’ death

A compelling weekly bulletin from the Northern Ireland Office (file NIO/12/194A) describes the first week of May 1981 in grim detail. The medical prognosis of the hunger strikers had a direct bearing on the security situation outside the jail.

“As anticipated in the last bulletin Sands’ condition became critical at the weekend when he lapsed into a coma on Sunday morning [3 May],” it records. “He did not regain consciousness before his death at 01.17 hours early on Tuesday 5, the 66th day of his fast.”

Secretary of State Humphrey Atkins regretted a “needless and pointless death” before adding: “We should not forget the many others who have died.” Atkins urged the people of Northern Ireland to “recognise the futility of violence and turn their faces away from it.” A press statement from republican prisoners blamed the British Government “primarily” for his death but also condemned “politicians and other leading people” for their alleged “timidity and lack of courage”.

The document goes on to report “rioting for most of the day in Belfast” on 4 May and “heavy petrol bombing of RUC targets plus factories, commercial premises and a Methodist church” after Sands’ death. An RUC officer was shot dead in North Belfast on 6 May and an INLA terrorist killed by his own bomb.

A “marked increase in shooting incidents overnight” (6-7 May) suggested that “[IRA] terrorist action will be stepped up to maintain the campaign impetus.”

Robinson’s prison hostage offer

Peter Robinson was prepared to take a government offer to loyalist prisoners holding four prison officers hostage, according to NIO notes (file CENT/1/10/91). The incident happened at Crumlin Road jail and was discussed at a meeting at Stormont Castle starting at 9.15pm on 11 December 1981.

Robinson met NIO Minister of State Adam Butler as part of the Ulster Loyalist Prisoners’ Rights Committee. He warned that “the prison might be burnt down” and said he had been “shouting up to some of the prisoners taking part in the protest and had been told the hostages were being well treated.”

If the committee members could meet the prisoners and take an offer from the Government, he expected that the warders would be released. A Mr McDonald, also on the committee, was “concerned [that] the irresponsible element in the prison would take over completely.”

Butler insisted that third parties could not negotiate with protesting prisoners. “It was a matter for the prison authorities to handle,” as had happened in Great Britain. However, the committee “bore a heavy responsibility if they had the prisoners’ trust and it was essential that they should try to encourage and influence the situation to reduce tension.”

Robinson countered that another NIO Minister, Lord Gowrie, and “all sorts of people” had gone to the Maze to ask the hunger strikers to call off their protest. He warned that if anything happened to the warders, “it would be on the Minister’s conscience.” Ulster Unionist John Carson, a UUP councillor and former North Belfast MP, added: “Protestant feelings were running very high especially when it seemed that Republican prisoners had won all their demands, whilst Loyalist prisoners were being ignored.”

Butler suggested that the committee make an appeal on radio to end the protest, but this was rejected as ineffective. After two and a half hours, both sides agreed that the committee would tell prisoners, through a loud hailer, that they could meet elected representatives if the protest ended; the Government would announce a review of conditions at Crumlin Road for remand prisoners; Lord Gowrie would meet “conforming prisoners” at an early opportunity.

The prison officers were subsequently released.

Leading profiles

Frank profiles of political and church figures by NIO staff (file CENT/1/10/36A) indicate their fears that moderate figures were being overshadowed by loud hard line voices.

Ian Paisley “gained his reputation as a fundamentalist preacher with violently anti-catholic views” in the late 1950s and was “far removed from the old traditional middle class unionism”. His majority in North Antrim was “impregnable”.

Catholic Primate Tomás Ó Fiaich was clearly resented: “His public pronouncements tend to gain him notoriety, believing in a phased British withdrawal from the North. He rejects violence, but has on occasion been far from helpful on the prisons issue.” The main Protestant church leaders, all seen as ecumenical, were viewed much more positively.

John Hume had been “an effective Minister of Commerce” and is described as: “Altogether an academically minded, moderate politician.” Jim Molyneaux is curiously listed third out of the four main political leaders, perhaps reflecting NIO frustration: “Rather lacking in populist appeal, his lack of flair may have contributed to the UUP’s steady loss of support to the DUP.”

The DUP had narrowly overtaken the UUP, in first preferences, at the local elections on 20 May (26.57 per cent to 26.56 per cent), more than doubling its vote from 12.7 per cent in 1977. “Not a charismatic man, but an effective leader” was the summary for Alliance’s Oliver Napier.

In economic terms, Northern Ireland was a “uniquely distressed region of the UK” with “exceptionally high unemployment” (17.6 per cent and 101,522 persons in May 1981) and a “high degree of dependence on declining staple industries”. Several factories were at risk of closure, according to official predictions, and the futures of “Shorts and especially Harland and Wolff are not assured in the longer term.”

‘Catholic support’ for shared college

Many Catholic teachers supported a shared teaching training centre, but feared speaking out “because it might harm their job prospects.” The claim was made by Mr Mallaghan from All Children Together (a pro-integrated education group) when it met Education Minister Lord Elton on 26 February 1981.

The interim Chilver report, in June 1980, called for a Belfast Centre for Teacher Education, which would include a Catholic college, Stranmillis College and Queen’s University’s School of Education on the Stranmillis site. According to the official note (file ED/13/2/544), Mr Mallaghan “suggested that the Roman Catholic Church had orchestrated a response to the report and that many people were not aware of what was in it.”

The Minister was sceptical about public demand as he had received “no such approaches” from members of the public. Lagan College was opened in September 1981 as the first formally integrated school, with 28 pupils. That said, several schools had educated Protestants and Catholics together earlier in Northern Ireland’s history e.g. the mill schools of County Down.

Hunger strike support assessed

The hunger strike had generated “substantial international interest, notably in the US, the Holy See and Western Europe” (file CENT/1/10/36A). The UK had “encountered no difficulties from allied governments over the hunger strike, although it remains to be seen whether President [Mitterrand] will succumb to left wing pressure in France.” Mitterrand’s government included ministers from the French Communist Party.

May was a turbulent time in Europe. Bobby Sands’ death (5 May) was followed by the assassination attempt on Pope John Paul II (13 May) which, the NIO surmised, “has probably had the indirect effect of reducing sympathy abroad for terrorist prisoners in Northern Ireland.” However, officials expected interest to revive when the European Commission of Human Rights (a legal tribunal) declared two complaints by prisoners to be admissible.

Some US television coverage had been “unhelpful” but there had been “some attempt at balance” in recent days. The southern Irish and French media were “notably hostile”.

The Taoiseach (at that time Charles Haughey) had urged the British Government to be “flexible on prison conditions” but was also “careful not to associate himself with the prisoners’ demands for political status.” The briefing warned that “Provisional Sinn Féin sympathisers” could take six seats in the Irish general election, which was held on 11 June. Two Anti H-Block candidates were subsequently elected (hunger striker Kieran Doherty and fellow prisoner Paddy Agnew). Haughey was unable to form a government and was succeeded by Garret FitzGerald. Doherty died on 2 August 1981.

In the USA, dockworkers announced a 24-hour boycott of British ships entering US ports on 7-8 May and Irish bars in New York were closed for two hours as a mark of respect (file NIO/12/194A). The East German Communists described Northern Ireland citizens as “suppressed and subject to discrimination”. Anti-British pickets and arson attacks were reported in several countries.

The welfare reforms currently working their way through Westminster have been widely described as the most radical shake-up of the social security system in over 40 years. With the aim of simplifying the benefits system, improving work incentives to encourage the move from benefits to work and reducing administration costs, the implementation of the changes will impact upon a significant percentage of the working age population in Northern Ireland.

No one can argue that the present overly complicated and bureaucratic social security system doesn’t need to be overhauled. However, there is much more to this than simplification and achieving a better outcome for customers.

A recent report by the Institute of Fiscal Studies found that after London, Northern Ireland will be the hardest hit by the tax and benefit cuts announced and soon to be implemented under the Bill between January 2012 and April 2015. This is for two reasons: the high numbers of those in receipt of Disability Living Allowance, especially for mental health disorders, and the high number of families with children who will be adversely affected by cuts to social security. The loss to Northern Ireland’s benefit recipients will be more than £600 million per year by 2014-2015.

The changes will include existing work related benefits being replaced with a single universal credit, a cap on the total amounts of benefit families and individuals can receive, changes to how housing benefit is calculated, a new benefit to replace DLA which will require all existing and new claimants to undergo a new assessment, the abolition of the independent review of Social Fund decisions and the end of community care grants and crisis loans.

The issues are huge and the potential ramifications for Northern Ireland have yet to be fully understood. Though we do know two things for sure: that these changes will mean less spending power available for the economy and, secondly, that once again the most vulnerable and disadvantaged will bear the brunt of attempts to correct economic problems that are not of their making.

A group of organisations in the voluntary and community sector concerned about the very real potential of these changes to increase poverty, hardship and inequality in Northern Ireland has been meeting to monitor developments and unpick what this will mean for people, families and communities here. Led by the Northern Ireland Law Centre, group members include NICVA, Gingerbread, Save the Children, Barnardos, Advice NI, Disability Action, A2B, the Housing Rights Service, Employers for Childcare and the Women’s Support Network. The group has addressed MLAs and Stormont committees on this issue and has produced a useful overview of the changes proposed in the Bill which is available at www.nicva.org/news

The Bill is expected to receive royal assent early in the new year. Following this the Bill is due to be presented to the Northern Ireland Assembly, which will give our own elected representatives the opportunity to debate the impact of the reforms in Northern Ireland and shape how they are implemented here. NICVA supports the argument from the Welfare Reform Group that the DSD should set out its own arrangements and proposals which are tailored to Northern Ireland’s needs so that a full debate can occur on the practical consequences of any proposal within the Welfare Reform Bill.

In March 2012, NICVA and the Law Centre are joining forces to host a high level conference which will aim to explain and debate the impact of welfare reform in Northern Ireland. Details will be made available as we confirm the agenda and you can get more information by contacting Lorraine Boyd at lorraine.boyd@nicva.org

Lisa McElherron is NICVA’s Head of Public Affairs. For more information:

Tel: 028 9087 7777

Email: lisa.mcelherron@nicva.org

Public facilities have long since recognised the critical role that providing a comfortable environment plays, by maintaining appropriate levels of heating, cooling, lighting and air quality within buildings – from hospitals to schools and government offices. At the same time, growing budgetary pressures and rising prices are putting a focus on reducing the cost of providing these services.

These cost and efficiency drivers necessitate the delivery of more energy services for less energy input, at a lower cost – through investment in more efficient technology, more efficient operating practices, improved controls and monitoring and management to ensure sustained benefits are delivered and to take corrective actions when they are not.

The issue of ageing and inefficient energy infrastructure can, in parallel, be a serious concern to many establishments, distracting from their core priority. A partnership with an energy services provider, whose core focus is energy efficiency and guaranteed saving reductions, can deliver these benefits. Partnership would bring security of energy provision with cost, energy and carbon savings through overall efficiencies and improvements in the site’s running costs, allowing a healthcare provider for example to concentrate on their primary goal. To illustrate, the provision of lighting, heating and cooling, while critical, is non-core, and presents an opportunity to outsource delivery.

For success, organisations need the support of energy management professionals who understand that energy efficiency can only be achieved through a full energy cycle approach with delivery know-how. For any site to do this sustainably, they need firstly to take a long-term view of their business, their site and their relationship with the energy and utilities management company they work with, as the required contracts can last anywhere between 5 and 25 years.

Securing the supply of input energies such as oil, natural gas, biomass or electricity is the first and vital step in terms of comfort and care; however, it is not the end goal. These input energies need to be transformed (e.g. converting oil into heat, electricity into cooling etc) into useable forms, distributed (for example hot water through piping networks) and then consumed at the point of customer need (radiators, light fittings etc). Efficiencies and cost savings can be made by focusing on one of these steps. However, it is through the integrated management, measurement, monitoring and targeting of the entire energy process in a co-ordinated, structured approach which delivers the maximum benefits to the establishment.

Dalkia customers benefit from:

• Operational improvements (security, availability and reliability of utilities supply, energy efficiency, risk transfer)

• Cost & financial efficiency

• Carbon reduction

To discuss what your organisation could look at towards achieving sustainable energy efficiency improvements, contact: Tony Doherty, General Manager at Dalkia Energy & Utilities Services, at 07879036270 or email infoni@dalkia.co.uk or info@dalkia.ie

Northern Ireland is to receive an extra £142 million (including £134 million for capital projects) up to 2015 following the Chancellor’s autumn statement but may lose £150 million in current expenditure. Those reductions are expected in Barnett consequentials i.e. cuts in UK Government departments being matched by the Executive.

The whole UK is expected to experience lower growth in 2012 (0.7 per cent) with the Government borrowing an extra £111 billion over the next five years.

Critically, the Office for Budget Responsibility predicts 710,000 public sector job losses by 2017, up from its last estimate of 400,000. Public sector pay rises will be capped at 1 per cent after the freeze ends in April 2013. A review of regional pay could result in salary reductions and spending cuts will continue to 2017.

However, several announcements will benefit the Northern Ireland economy.

Fuel duty is frozen until next August (when a 3p rise is due). Local businesses can apply for the National Loan Guarantee Scheme, support from the Business Finance Partnership, and the national insurance exemption (which continues up to April 2013). Belfast is one of four cities to share the £100 million urban broadband fund, designed to achieve 80-100 MBps. Six others will be selected in a UK-wide competition.

Sammy Wilson claimed that there would be no compulsory redundancies but said he did not know how many voluntary redundancies would eventually be made. Wilson expected more invest-to-save decisions by ministers and said these had to be looked at “fairly quickly”.

Conor Murphy repeated Sinn Féin’s view that Northern Ireland had to break its dependency by taking on “maximum fiscal powers” and building a strong all-Ireland economy.

Alliance’s Naomi Long asked the Chancellor for action on air passenger duty on regional flights but was referred to the forthcoming UK aviation strategy. Long had wanted to see reduced VAT on renovations, to help the construction sector, but welcomed the moves to release credit to small businesses. However, she said there was “no serious effort” on pay restraint in company and bank board rooms.

The UUP was supportive and called for realism, but SDLP leader Alasdair McDonnell said that “squeezing” public sector workers “will simply cause pain and hardship for hardworking families and will have a negative impact on businesses here.”

Owen Paterson reiterated his defence of deficit reduction, which was “keeping interest rates lower for longer”. He claimed that the only alternative was “more borrowing and more spending … precisely the something for nothing economics that got our country into this mess in the first place.”

A wider divide opened up between the business and trade union responses.

CBI Director-General John Cridland said the statement “works with the realities of today and provides an imaginative framework”. The CBI in Northern Ireland wants changes in British employment law, including ‘protected conversations’ with older employees, extended to the province.

ICTU Assistant General Secretary Peter Bunting told striking workers that the public sector was “being sacrificed in the name of an ideology which favours the 1 per cent.”

Whatever you think of its estimates, the Office for Budget Responsibility has established its independence as a professional forecaster, according to Robert Chote. agendaNi spoke to him at the Northern Ireland Economic Conference on the first anniversary of his appointment.

“The key thing we needed to do on arrival,” he stated, “was to establish the reputation of the OBR as a source of rigorous, well-explained coherent analysis that people may well disagree with but at least they know it’s not politically-motivated wishful thinking.”

That independence, he comments, has been respected by the Treasury. The office also discloses all meetings with ministers and special advisors online, as well as its forecast timetable.

While many people are “very focused” on the short-term outlook, the medium-term outlook “matters more than anything” to the OBR. Its key task, when looking at the short-term trend, is to work out whether it is “temporarily bad news that we’ll bounce back from” or if it says something about medium-term prospects: “And that’s one of the tricky judgements we have to make.”

Asked to assess the euro zone’s performance, he quipped: “The days when I was a professional commentator on the merits of broadly based currency areas are long behind me.” Again, the key question for the OBR is the impact on the UK’s medium-term outlook, bearing in mind that the euro zone has an impact through export markets, interest rates for government borrowing, and general economic confidence.

More locally, corporation tax is the central policy objective of Northern Ireland’s business organisations and the Secretary of State, although the political will at Stormont is increasingly in doubt.

Chote was pressed for his view on whether corporation tax would be devolved, but replied that it was “not a decision for us to make” and “not for us to say whether this is a good idea or not.”

If the decision went ahead, the OBR’s task would be “relatively limited” i.e. producing forecasts and assessments. “Interestingly,” he added, “we’re having a similar role and similar challenges in Scotland because of the fact that from the Budget of next year, we’ll have to start forecasting Scottish income tax receipts and other areas.”

Scotland is to receive its new income tax powers by 2015 with the first changes taking effect a year later.

“One issue with corporation tax is that, of course, it is one of the more volatile streams of tax revenue,” Chote noted. “It goes up and down more than taxes on income or taxes on spending. It doesn’t make the task of forecasting receipts from it any easier.”

In the absence of lower corporation tax, Northern Ireland will continue to rely heavily on its subvention from Westminster. It was put to him that this dependence increasingly reflects badly on Northern Ireland, as a UK region, but he replied: “I wouldn’t say so.”

Chote continued: “It’s not our job to look in regional areas but I mean, clearly, if you think that we’re engaged in a fiscal consolidation at the moment and significant cuts in public expenditure, then those parts of the economy that are more dependent on the public sector are going to see more of a direct effect from there.”

A region in that situation will “need to be thinking about policies that will allow the public sector to rebalance” but he concluded: “It’s not unique to Northern Ireland and it’s a challenge for everybody.”

While still keeping the economy as first priority, the draft Programme for Government offers few radical solutions for the province’s problems.

As expected, the economy is described as the Executive’s first priority but its aims are considerably less ambitious than before. This reflects the recession but also the risk-averse influence of the Civil Service.

Closing the productivity gap with Great Britain (a major goal for decades) is not set as a firm target. The previous programme aimed to halve the difference with the UK average (excluding South East England) by 2015. Instead, the draft Economic Strategy calls for private sector GVA growth to exceed the UK average.

As of June 2011, almost a third of employees (31.3 per cent) worked for government. The public sector workforce stood at 218,000 while the private sector employed 481,910 staff (with both figures seasonally adjusted). This compares to 221,980 and 487,790 respectively in June 2010.

Northern Ireland’s unemployment rate stood at 7.3 per cent of the workforce (63,000 people) between July and September. A further 51,000 economically inactive people want a job but fall outside the official definition, which in practice brings the unemployment total up to 114,000.

The programme claims that the same number of benefit claimants will be moved into employment by 2014 through welfare reform. No estimate of the inevitable decrease in public sector jobs is included.

Against that, the Executive promises to “support the promotion” of over 25,000 new jobs (5,900 from foreign direct investment) by 2015. Promoted jobs are those expected to be created by Invest NI-supported projects. A total of 15,565 jobs were promoted between 2007 and 2010, although statistics do not show how many still exist.

A call for the “timely and affordable” devolution of corporation tax is contradicted by Sammy Wilson’s prediction that no cut will happen before 2015. Separately, the Executive will lobby the European Commission for the “best possible outcome” for regional aid after 2013.

The regional rate is pegged to inflation. Industry will be encouraged to achieve 20 per cent of electricity consumption from renewables, which depends on adequate grid reinforcement.

Irish Government A5 funding was cut just before the draft Investment Strategy was published. Its specific goals include Belfast rapid transit (construction due from 2012 onwards), the Lisanelly campus, the Desertcreat training college, electronic prescribing in hospitals and a regional library.

Ministers expect tourist numbers to reach 3.6 million by 2013 (generating £625 million), with the help of the Titanic centenary and Derry’s status as UK City of Culture. The 2009 totals, for comparison, were 3.29 million visitors (1.92 million from outside Northern Ireland) and £529 million in revenue.

The SME liquidity scheme was publicised as a £50 million loan fund, although the maximum in this Assembly term will be £30 million.

Ninety per cent of large scale investment planning decisions should be made in six months by 2015. However, 100 per cent was promised immediately in 2008. The modest interim target is 60 per cent in 2012-2013 and 57 per cent was achieved in 2010-2011.

The value of manufacturing exports (currently £5.1 billion) is to be increased by 15 per cent over the next four years. Exports fell by 0.6 per cent in 2010-2011.

DCAL’s creative industries innovation fund would support 200 projects. DEL plans to fund an extra 540 places on STEM courses. The creation of a new food strategy board recognises farming’s strong economic contribution.

Living standards

Two overlapping chapters cover quality of life, officially termed “Creating Opportunities, Tackling Disadvantage and Improving Health and Wellbeing” and “Protecting Our People, the Environment and Creating Safer Communities”.

Practically, this would involve building 8,000 social and affordable homes and the full double glazing of Housing Executive stock. The house-building total is to be expected given that 2,104 were started by housing associations in 2010-2011.

The SDLP and UUP contend that the £80 million Social Investment Fund could go to community groups linked to the DUP and Sinn Féin, a charge denied by both parties. A separate Social Protection Fund, similar to the December 2008 hardship payment, will receive

£20 million per annum. Child poverty is to be reduced, using both funds.

The promise of one year’s pre-school education (from 2013) does not guarantee a nursery school place. Around 90 per cent of children currently have places and the Department of Education already aims to provide one-year places to all parents.

Forty-nine per cent of young people from disadvantaged backgrounds should achieve five GCSEs A*-C by 2015, including in maths and English. The 2009-2010 figure was 31.3 per cent and that target is in keeping with the current annual increases. The same percentage for all young people should increase to 70 per cent, up from 59 per cent in 2009-2010.

Legislation to ban age discrimination in goods, facilities and services is to be drafted next year but only enacted in 2014-2015. To deal with the legacy of the Troubles, OFMDFM also promises to launch a dedicated ‘victims and survivors service’ in 2012-2013.

More chronic condition patients should be able to take up programmes to help them manage their own conditions from 2014-2015. The Health and Social Care Board will co-ordinate existing programmes and roll these out across the province. £7.2 million is set aside to tackle the growing obesity problem.

Environmental commitments include the plastic bag levy, a 35 per cent cut in greenhouse gas emissions over 1990-2025 (compared to 42 per cent by 2020 in Scotland) and 45 per cent of household waste being recycled by 2015.

For criminal justice, a 3 per cent reduction in violent crime is set as a target. PwC Chief Economist Esmond Birnie commented that the draft programme was “aspirational but lacks substance as well as the necessary milestones and stretching targets.”

He added: “Transformation to a new, prosperous, internationally competitive and socially inclusive Northern Ireland can’t even begin till we’ve defined what it might look like.” Consultees, Birnie said, should not miss the opportunity to become persuaders for a more radical document.

Draft Investment Strategy breakdown (£ million)

*includes the Assembly and minor government organisations

Progress is promised on reforming education and local government after long delays.

Apart from health and libraries, the last Assembly term was largely a missed opportunity for “Delivering High Quality and Efficient Public Services”. The draft Programme for Government’s reform plans, under that title, will be judged on whether education and local government are streamlined.

Social clauses are due to be the first achievement of reform, introduced in 2012-2013.

The most tangible benefit should be better access to life-enhancing drugs. Patients with rheumatoid arthritis, cancer, inflammatory bowel disease and psoriasis (a skin condition) are prioritised. DHSSPS officials have previously delayed their dispensing, citing financial reasons, resulting in more hardship for Northern Ireland patients.

Executive parties plan to agree the post-2015 structures of government in 2012 (as the UUP suggested) despite a previous commitment to review that by 2011. Major changes will also depend on amending the Northern Ireland Act 1998 at Westminster.

OFMDFM cannot confirm whether the public will be consulted. Members of the public, though, can lobby MLAs on the Assembly and Executive Review Committee at any stage.

Peter Hain’s seven-council model, unveiled in November 2005, was due to take shape in May 2009. Executive ministers compromised on 11 councils and rescheduled elections for May 2011, although plans fell apart over boundaries and costings. Under the new plan, those elections are expected in June 2014, with the new councillors taking office in May 2015.

The 11-council commitment was passed by the DUP, Sinn Féin and Alliance. The SDLP and UUP still aim for 15, claiming that these would be more local, mean less gerrymandering and save money. Eleven councils appear cheaper but would mean more severance payments for senior officials.

The education and skills authority (ESA) was also announced in November 2005, with an April 2008 deadline, and then put back to April 2009 by the new Executive. Its future became embroiled in the education dispute between Sinn Féin and the DUP, and fears that the main Protestant churches (transferors) would lose their influence.

Eight bodies will be merged into the new authority: the four education and library boards, their staff commission, the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS) and the Youth Council. The futures of the Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment, and the Education and Training Inspectorate are still to be decided. Most other education bodies will see little change.

Its 20-member board will have eight seats for political representatives (allocated by d’Hondt), eight for the main churches and four filled by Education Minister appointees. The Chair will also be appointed by the Minister.

Sectoral support bodies will be set up for the controlled sector (a first) and Catholic maintained sector (replicating CCMS) to protect their ethos. Legislation is due to be completed by July 2012, with aim of setting up the ESA in April 2013.

An increase in online services will build on the NI Direct website and also ensure continuity as public sector jobs are cut. The DUP says that car tax renewal, all public sector job adverts and all benefit applications should be available online, and (along with the UUP) suggests a pilot for broadcasting court cases.