Michael D Higgins has taken over from Mary McAleese as Irish President, while Irish citizens in Northern Ireland will not receive voting rights for the foreseeable future. Meadhbh Monahan reports.

Michael Daniel Higgins, the first intellectual and poet to reside at Áras an Uachtaráin, was elected Ireland’s ninth President on 27 October, receiving 701,101 first preference votes, which increased to 1,007,104 with transfers. This equated to a 39.6 per cent share of the total vote, well above Cavan entrepreneur Sean Gallagher’s 28.5 per cent.

Gallagher came second with 628,114 first preferences and Martin McGuinness came in third with 265,196 (13.7 per cent).

Sinn Féin had hoped for 18 to 20 per cent of first preferences, but McGuinness said he was pleased with the result and the party labelled it as positive. He had added to its historic general election result of 9.9 per cent, and beaten Fine Gael’s Gay Mitchell (who received an embarrassing 6.4 per cent). McGuinness, who was subject to intense media scrutiny about his IRA past, was glad he had “something to do” i.e. return to his post as deputy First Minister.

While Belfast-born Mary McAleese was criticised during her 1997 campaign for her Northern Ireland background, she held the presidency for two seven-year terms and has been praised for leaving a positive legacy which culminated in the visit of Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011.

A presidency of ideas has been promised, and in that vein, Higgins intends to host gatherings of the best minds from Ireland and abroad to take part in discussions on issues such as youth unemployment, emigration and mental health.

The new President, who was born in Limerick but raised by his aunt and uncle on a farm in County Clare, is described as “a thinker unafraid to speak his mind.”

He will mark the sensitive Easter Rising centenary in 2016.

Northern voting rights

Sinn Féin and the SDLP both want to extend presidential voting rights to the North, although unionists are opposed on sovereignty grounds.

A DUP spokesman told agendaNi: “[Our] view is that the union is secure, and Sinn Féin are now reduced to scrabbling around for issues to enhance their ‘Irishness’,” the spokesman stated. The party’s priority is “bringing society in Northern Ireland together and rebuilding our economy, not issues around voting rights in presidential elections in the Republic.”

A UUP spokesman told agendaNi: “We are part of a separate state: the United Kingdom.” He added: “The Dutch don’t vote in German elections, the Poles don’t elect the German President, the Spanish don’t elect the French President, so why should people in Northern Ireland, a part of the United Kingdom, be able to vote in an election in the Irish Republic?”

Alliance is “very cautious” as the move could have “unforeseen consequences” e.g. allowing for northern votes to Dáil Éireann as well.

Northern Ireland has a key part to play in exploiting Ireland’s offshore renewables opportunity, according to NOW Ireland Secretary Brian Britton. NOW Ireland (the National Offshore Wind Association of Ireland) was set up in 2007 to promote the industry.

At present, the island has one offshore wind farm on Arklow Bank (25MW), a joint partnership between Airtricity and GE Energy and 2,670 MW capacity in shovel-ready projects in existing project areas. A further 5,000 MW could be released in the Irish Sea zone.

Britton emphasises that all stakeholders need to work together i.e. developers, supply chain, regulators, TSO, the Northern Ireland Executive and the Irish Government.

“I think the opportunity starts within Northern Ireland,” he told agendaNi. “Then you’ve got to open it out to the Republic of Ireland and the island of Ireland working together, with the massive resource it has, and then co-operation with our counterparts in GB. And then Ireland [and the] UK can lead the way to develop the renewables sector in Europe.”

He sensed “a little bit more foresight” in Northern Ireland than the Republic, proven by Dong’s announcement investment at Belfast Harbour.

“We would be very encouraged by the way Northern Ireland has come from behind the South to actually attract in industry: more than the South has done to date,” he added.

Existing planned projects could generate over €8 billion in investment and 20,000 jobs across the island, with the jobs figure rising to over 50,000 if the full potential was realised.

The offshore wind supply chain for the Irish Sea is worth around €60 billion, with another €300 billion in the rest of Europe.

Ireland potentially has the best offshore wind resource in the world, and its seas experience some of Europe’s strongest winds. Britton sees offshore wind as a key driver for meeting Ireland’s renewable energy targets, but industry sources warn that this will be “difficult if not impossible” in the current planning and grid environment.

An economy analysis published by Indecon in September 2008 indicated a primary net direct benefit for Ireland of up to €1.7 billion over 2012-2027. Extra quantifiable indirect benefits totalled €2.1 billion, including the merit order effect, employment, carbon fines saved and reduced emissions.

Britton expects that electricity demand and fuel prices will return to their high 2008 levels by 2015, when offshore projects are up and running.

The offshore renewable energy feed-in tariff (REFIT) was announced by the Irish Government in 2008 (at €140 per MWh) but has yet to be implemented. NOW Ireland sees this as the most critical investment signal and is lobbying for action by government, especially as offshore renewables can transform Ireland into a net energy exporter.

According to the association, Ireland can replace almost €6 billion in energy imports with up to €10 billion in renewable energy exports, thus also ensuring the island’s energy security.

Ireland is already involved in the sector’s supply chain, through development companies, project delivery management, port facilities and marine services e.g. diving companies, work boats, forecasting and engineering and environmental services.

To deliver the opportunity, Britton emphasises that Ireland must develop a positive mindset, look beyond its shores for the opportunity, ensure that national policies support industry objectives, create the right market mechanism (linking Ireland, Great Britain and Europe), and “be the leaders of the change Ireland wants and needs.”

“A property company” is the best way to sum up the Crown Estate, according to Dermott Grimson. As Head of External Affairs for a unique organisation, he is increasingly involved in preparing the seabed for renewable development. The Glaswegian explains that “like any other property owner, we want to invest in our property in order to make the most of our assets and help others make something of the asset too.” Profits have totalled £1.9 billion over the last 10 years.

It generates money from property held by the Crown and its annual surplus goes to the UK Government. The Crown Estate portfolio includes virtually the whole seabed out to the 12-mile territorial limit, and it has rights to explore and exploit the natural resources of the continental shelf. However, the body is waiting for a diplomatic agreement on who owns the seabed off Northern Ireland. An answer is needed before leasing starts.

Under the Government of Ireland Act 1920, Northern Ireland was defined as the island’s six north-eastern counties. However, the Act did not set its maritime limits. As the territory of counties ends at the low water mark, the seabed off Antrim, Down and County Londonderry may technically not be part of Northern Ireland.

Article 2 in the Irish Constitution originally stated that the national territory consisted of “the whole island of Ireland, its islands and the territorial seas.” It currently gives no territorial definition. Talks are continuing between the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Irish Department of Foreign Affairs.

“It’s not a dispute,” he comments. “There have been very fruitful discussions with colleagues in the Republic of Ireland so it’s just a matter of making sure we can get it right.”

The Crown Estate will be able to grant lease options to developers in Northern Irish waters but the Northern Ireland Executive will have the final say, as the consenting authority.

Offshore renewables have “advanced quite considerably” in recent years. He notes that Ernst & Young has consistently named the UK as the most attractive country for offshore wind development “so we see that as a strong signal that investors are interested.”

Successful bidders for Round 3 sites off Great Britain have been announced and he expects construction to start once Westminster finalises its renewables obligation banding review (consultation closes on 12 January) and publishes an offshore renewables roadmap.

The offshore renewables industry needs “long-term certainty” and he hears “encouraging” noises from the UK Government. However, to him, the real big issue is cost: “Unless the industry can get its cost down to £100 per MWh, it’s difficult to see all that’s on the stocks being delivered.”

An industry-led Offshore Wind Cost Reduction Task Force was announced in October and will report back to UK and devolved ministers in spring 2012. To feed into that work, the Crown Estate is undertaking a large research project into cost reduction, which it hopes to publish by the end of 2011.

More work needs to be done on understanding the levelised costs of offshore wind (compared to nuclear, gas or coal CCS) and he adds the sector will “undoubtedly … be an important part of the energy mix.”

Grimson is encouraged by Northern Ireland’s willingness to look beyond just what’s happening immediately off its shores. Indeed, he welcomes Harland and Wolff and Dong Energy’s development in Belfast Harbour, which will support the West of Duddon Sands wind farm (389MW). Construction is expected to start in early summer 2013 and expected to be fully completed in 2014.

Peter Cheney sums up the SDLP conference, where Alasdair McDonnell got off to a shaky start as leader. The party has dipped to a new low but members are determined to increase its standing again.

Posters of Patsy McGlone and Conall McDevitt greeted arriving delegates along the approach roads to the Ramada Hotel, while inside McGlone’s team was conspicuous in their green T-shirts. This promised to be a livelier SDLP conference than the norm.

In her final speech as leader, Margaret Ritchie claimed that “the people at the top have lost touch,” accusing Peter Robinson of being “too well insulated from the grinding hardship of citizens” while Martin McGuinness was “too consumed with aspirations of living in a palace in Dublin, to really care anymore.”

For SDLP achievements in government, she cited the house-building programme, and blocking the UDA-linked Conflict Transformation Initiative in 2007. Ritchie paid tribute to Alex Attwood for fighting Tory welfare reform. “And to think some people questioned why I gave him the job” was a clear nod to Patsy McGlone. Tellingly, Attwood returned the tribute in his concession speech, the only leadership candidate to name Ritchie.

A packed hall gathered to hear the result and the counts were declared in rapid succession. The new leader’s acceptance speech was well received, marking as it did “the proudest moment of my political life” for McDonnell. An SDLP recovery was not important for its own sake but also for “the future politics of this island”. In the place of an agreed Ireland, the DUP and Sinn Féin were dividing up the spoils like “Afghan warlords”.

As he thanked his wife Olivia, she moved forward and held his arm. Campaigning days had sometimes started at 8am and finished at 1.30am the next morning. He pledged to hit the road again, visiting every council area and constituency within three months.

Each candidate’s campaign put forward ideas to make the party more organised and better financed. The party prides itself on its openness and willingness to debate its internal workings, although that carries the obvious risk of appearing disorganised and needy.

McDonnell has pledged to listen to his former opponents’ ideas, which include a new public representatives group (McDevitt), working with other parties to submit petitions of concern (McGlone) and much closer links with the Irish Government (Attwood). Dolores Kelly was formally declared deputy leader, having been unopposed.

The new leader’s keynote speech was a presentational failure but party staff were frank about the reasons for the technical glitch (lights reflecting off a halting autocue) rather than trying to spin their way out.

He took the ‘bull in a china shop’ analogy “as a tribute to my reserves and my passion which tempered with wise counsel can produce an awful lot”. The party had become “hypnotised” by the Good Friday Agreement which was now stalled by the DUP and Sinn Féin: “Why should these sectarian turkeys vote for a non-sectarian Christmas?”

His organisational style had been trialled in South Belfast in 2005 and produced a “greatly enhanced performance” in 2010. agendaNi witnessed an impressive canvassing operation in the constituency during the general election but the wider electoral trends are downward. Members do recognise, though, that McDonnell has a stronger media profile than Ritchie.

The SDLP has fallen alongside the UUP but arguably is better placed to recover. Members were energised by a four-candidate leadership election (conducted without the glare of publicity) and the party is better than the Ulster Unionists at bringing younger activists into elected posts.

Statistically, it lost 66,993 voters between the heady days of 1998 (when it topped the poll) and May’s Assembly election. Most of those walked away during the turbulent days of the first Executive and results since then have varied around the 100,000-mark.

At the 2010 general election, it polled 110,970 votes: a slight increase from 105,064 in 2007. However, this dropped to 94,286 first preferences this May, resulting in the net loss of two seats. Sinn Féin, in contrast, received 178,224 first preferences.

The party polled slightly more strongly at local government (with 98,724 first preferences) but lost 14 councillors compared to 2005.

Sinn Féin easily outflanks the SDLP on all-island politics. However, its participation at Westminster (as constitutional nationalists have done since Daniel O’Connell) is a practical advantage. Highlighting a restriction on eastern European voters, Brid Rodgers commented that SDLP MPs “can use their muscle to try and things changed,” adding: “There’s not much point in sitting outside and crying.”

After focusing on keeping Sinn Féin onboard during the peace process, the Irish Government is understood to be sympathetic to the SDLP’s situation. The frankness of so many members and activists in discussing the party’s problems indicates that they think the party has little to lose, and can no longer hold on to the ‘glory days’ of John Hume and Seamus Mallon.

The McDonnell agenda

“We are in danger of being unable to fight elections because we simply don’t have the money” reads one warning in McDonnell’s stark pitch to SDLP members. An expert commission will report to a special organisational conference within three months. McDonnell’s first 100 days should also see a major public seminar on economic regeneration and the setting up of a dedicated election directorate.

Clearly identified party representatives will be appointed in the three Antrim constituencies, Fermanagh and South Tyrone and Strangford.

In a candid assessment, his election leaflet says the current organisation “cannot deliver the votes we want and need”. A “handful of active branches” are prospering but many “hardly ever meet”. The party had missed a generation and “is paying dearly for it now”. Getting votes in ballot boxes is seen as central as people “like to back winners”. His aim of 20 Assembly seats was last achieved in 1998; the party slipped to 18 in 2003.

McDonnell stresses social democracy but also warns that “Block Grant Politics” will squeeze the poorest. All shades of nationalism and unionism need to discuss the economic future. And with McDonnell expecting the SDLP to lead on this, the party plans to stay in government.

With 6,031 votes (0.9 per cent) the party gained a single seat. However, with 41,039 votes (1.8 per cent) in the Republic, the Greens lost all six seats in the Dáil following their unpopular coalition with Fianna Fáil.

A motion from the Antrim branch to create a Northern Ireland party rather than remain a region of the Irish Green Party was rejected. Attendees included Environment Minister Alex Attwood and Irish Green Party leader Eamon Ryan.

Agnew stated his intention to “be constructive and not oppose for the sake of doing so”. He recognised he has limited opportunity to make an impact but cited a successful motion to encourage sustainable school transport. He also outlined his private member’s Bill which calls for a statutory duty on government departments to co-operate on children’s services.

The party agreed to continue its campaigns for same sex marriage, raising the age of criminal responsibility from 10 to 14, opposing fracking and all oil drilling in Northern Ireland, and reducing pensioner poverty.

While he admitted to disagreeing with his opposition counterpart Jim Allister, Agnew conceded that “at least he knows where his point of view comes from,” adding that some MLA are having “their point of view handed to them on a sheet of paper, and actually when you talk to them they don’t even agree with the thing they read out.”

Agnew intends to work with “good politicians” like Attwood to try and get green policies implemented “because we can’t do it on our own.”

The Republic’s Programme for Government committed to making Ireland a “first-mover” in information technology by making more progress on e- government, moving government services online, and investing in ICT in schools and the healthcare sector.

Currently, citizens can engage with government through the gov.ie website which includes links to the 16 departments, plus eight e-government websites (see box).

At the end of June, Public Expenditure and Reform Minister Brendan Howlin launched an online portal making 300 services available online. These include: social welfare applications, court fine payment, proof of age applications, live Oireachtas debates, birth certificate purchases and access to the 1901 and 1911 censuses.

As part of the new ethos of transparency within government and the comprehensive review of public expenditure, Howlin also launched a databank providing information on every aspect of government expenditure since 1994. Users can create tables, spreadsheets and graphs showing how spending on current, capital, or pay has evolved across government and in individual departments.

The Government will organise existing state supports for cloud computing into a package to promote Ireland as a progressive place for IT investment. However, work must be undertaken to ensure that public sector information stored in the cloud is secure. The Government will not move its information to the public cloud until it irons out concerns over security, reliability, vendor lock-in and saving data outside the jurisdiction. Since 2002, the Irish Government has used ‘government networks’, a countrywide private telecommunications resource used by all public bodies.

A cross-departmental taskforce on cloud computing was established by Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation Minister Richard Bruton at the end of June to tackle the above security problems and to review legislation to see what steps need to be taken to ensure a supportive regulatory environment.

Bruton said that while cloud computing held great economic potential for Ireland “it is also crucial that government, as a major user of IT in the economy, take a lead in this area in order to provide opportunities and economies of scale for growing businesses in this sector.”

The taskforce is chaired by Seán Gorman (Secretary General of the Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation) and includes representatives from the department and its main agencies (IDA, Enterprise Ireland, Science Foundation Ireland, Forfás), the Data Protection Commissioner’s Office, the Department of Justice and Equality, the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources and the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform. Other representatives including industry will attend taskforce meetings as appropriate.

Bruton has said that cloud computing is at the forefront of the Government’s thinking. The department is engaged in research and conducting trials with a number of major international ICT companies “to determine what works best for public bodies and to develop compelling commercial models for adoption.”

In education, the Government will integrate ICT into teaching and learning across the curriculum. Investment in broadband development will ensure schools have access to fibre-powered broadband and will be paid for by pooling ICT procurement.

More subjects will be taught online and schools will be able to ‘share’ teachers via live web chats.

However, Education Minister Ruairi Quinn has said that due to financial constraints he “is not currently in a position to commit additional resources to ICT capital investment.” However, he remains committed to investing in this area “as resources permit.”

The Programme for Government does not outline any specific ICT strategy for the healthcare sector.

e-government sites
www.citizensinformation.ie
www.e-tenders.gov.ie
www.irishstatutebook.ie
www.irisoifigiuil.ie
www.merrionstreet.ie
www.pensionsboard.ie
www.publicjobs.ie
www.revenue.ie

There was a strong theme of North/South co-operation to Environment Minister Alex Attwood’s address at this year’s Environment Ireland conference. The conference, in its seventh year, saw the environment ministers from the two jurisdictions attend for the first time.

One of the themes taken up by the new Environment Minister in his speech was the potential for Northern Ireland to tap into funding for environmental research, and he stated this was an area in which both administrations could cooperate. €50.1 billion had been made available for scientific research from the Seventh Framework Programme (FP7) project 2007-2013, with €1.9 billion earmarked for environmental research (there is also €2.3 billion allocated for energy research). In February 2009 Northern Ireland had drawn down less than £25 million from FP7 funding, whilst the Republic had secured €600 million. €80 billion in funding for research between 2014-2020 has been proposed by the European Commission, and the Minister said this was also an opportunity Northern Ireland would have to grasp.

“In the rundown of FP7 and the birth of FP8,” said Attwood, “not least because an Irish Commissioner is responsible for all of that, we need to integrate much more what we are doing on the island of Ireland.” Attwood said he would like to see officials from the Republic seconded to Northern Ireland to collaborate on ascertaining project funding from FP7 and the subsequent research programme (Horizon 2020).

Phil Hogan, the Republic’s Environment Minister, referred to environmental research being “essential in Ireland’s journey towards a sustainable environmental future.” He said the Irish Environmental Protection Agency’s research programme “has made considerable progress in the development of environmental research capacity in Ireland and has provided essential support for policy and decision-making at national, regional and local level.”

The green economy was another theme both ministers highlighted in their speeches. Minister Attwood said he had been struck by the growth in the green economy’s growth and the scale of the green opportunity on the island. “In doing that business of recycling, recyclates, renewables, we need to harmonise what we are doing, North and South,” he said.

Minister Hogan, speaking about the economic potential from environmentally sustainable agriculture said that “thinking ‘green’ involves creating a very strong link for the consumer between Irish food, high environmental standards and sustainable production.” The Irish Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food’s blueprint, Food Harvest 2020, contained a message that “by acting smart and thinking ‘green’, growth will be achieved.”

An initiative of mutual economic benefit, Attwood suggested, could be the creation of a “cross-border national park” encompassing the Mourne mountains, Cooley mountains and Slieve Gullion, “in a way that creates opportunities, jobs, protects the environment and defines the future.” He said that he would be bringing forward proposals for legislation regarding national parks, drawing on best practice in other jurisdictions. “You have a model and we need to learn from that model,” he told the conference in Dublin.

Waste policy was highlighted by both ministers as an area of co-operation. Minister Attwood said that there was a need to work on an all-island basis on waste management options, and with both administrations currently reviewing waste policy this created new opportunities. Citing the All Island Plastics Waste Arising Study, which the ministers jointly launched that morning, Hogan said that due to the size of the island and the structure of the plastic recycling market “the opportunities to pool our resources and to achieve economies of scale can help to overcome these challenges.”

Both ministers referred to repatriation of illegally dumped waste from Northern Ireland back to the Republic. The Irish Government is paying all disposal costs and 80 per cent of recovery costs for the repatriation. In August the process of repatriating 10,500 tonnes of such waste from Ballymartin in County Down to the Republic commenced.

Minister Attwood also said the direction of waste recycling movements on the island has convinced him of the need to revise the household waste recycling rate beyond the 60 per cent target that he and his department had been considering. Currently the target is 50 per cent.

Ministers realise that their projects won’t go ahead without approval from the Department of Finance and Personnel (DFP) and are therefore turning to economists for economic research, briefings and policy development, rather than just cost-benefit and appraisal analysis.

One hundred economists make up the Northern Ireland Government Economic Service. They are employed as DFP civil servants and are seconded out to the other departments, retaining their DFP status.

The main role of the professional economist is to advise and challenge ministers and senior officials on the projects or policies they want to bring forward.

Due to Northern Ireland’s public expenditure being 20 per cent higher than the UK average in per capita terms* the influence of what the Executive does with its public expenditure is pervasive across the whole of the Northern Ireland economy, the audience heard. The province’s fiscal deficit increased from £6.5 billion in 2007-2008 to £9 billion in 2008-2009. This is due to fewer taxes being collected and the Executive expects that the situation will get worse.

Economists enter the economic service as assistant economists (£27,115- £30,520). Entry requirements are a 2:1 honours degree in economics, preferably with two years’ experience. The next grade is deputy economists (£34,163- £38,893). Promotions to this grade usually occur four to five years after entry.

Principal economists (£44,796-£50,796) head up each department and promotion to that grade usually takes five to six years. Promotions to senior principal economists (£52,127-£62,407) occur occasionally via internal promotion. The recruitment, promotion and development of economists is managed centrally by the Chief Economist (£57,300-£116,000). The service recruits approximately 10 economists per year and secondments and training programmes are available.

The guidance adhered to by the service is contained in the Northern Ireland Guide to Expenditure Appraisal and Evaluation and is considered to be more robust and rigorous than in the rest of the UK, according to the speaker.

The Treasury and Department for Work and Pensions are discussing the possibility of updating the Green Book (Treasury’s appraisal and evaluation guidance to central government) to include a ‘subjective well-being’ approach to the valuation of non-market impacts. This would be used along with the current policy of measuring revealed and stated preferences (market-based approaches). It is felt that the full value of health, community stability, educational success and environmental assets should be considered in the valuation process. This is already underway in Northern Ireland on a non-monetary basis.

Complex or sensitive problems are referred to the Chief Economist by the principal economists. These tend to arise in departments other than DFP when the principal economist is concerned about a

policy or a project the department is taking forward. In this case the Chief Economist liaises with the Permanent Secretary and the problem is generally solved.

A high profile example was the regeneration of the Maze/Long Kesh site. Different departments sought to use the site for a number of projects such as a multi-sports stadium, an international centre for conflict transformation, a ‘rural excellence and equestrian zone’, an employment zone and social housing.

Disputes over whether the project would be on-sheet or off-sheet (i.e. the Executive would not have to provide the capital expenditure to cover it) could not be solved. Different economic impact assessments were put forward and political sensitivities surrounded the concept of a shared future, as understood by different parties. In addition, the estimated net present cost ranged from £193 million to £254 million without accounting for ‘non-monetised’ costs.

Ultimately, the Chief Economist was tasked to “form a view” of the way forward. He concluded: “A value for money economic case for proceeding [had] not been clearly demonstrated.”

Overall, economists will put forward the value for money case, which won’t always reflect political ambitions. They can find it “unsettling” to be subjected to political buffeting but have found that ministers generally accept the economic realities when pressed.

InterTradeIreland’s report has found that companies are not impacted significantly by environmental regulations. The report, which examined the impact of regulatory burdens arising from several EU environmental directives, said that only the trans-frontier shipment of waste (TFS)

regulations were proving significantly burdensome.

It recommends:

• reporting requirements arising from environmental regulations should be examined;

• electronic and web-based reporting replace paper reporting;

• a review of requirements and responsibilities for information requests to eliminate overlap;

• the changing of information requirements, particularly for SMEs, including the use of a risk-based approach to target operators performing the highest risk activities in a sector.

The organization consulted with stakeholders, competent authorities and examined several businesses’ experiences in its examination of regulatory burdens arising from directives concerning TFS, Integrated Pollution Prevention and Control (IPPC), Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE), end-of-life vehicles (ELV) and the control of major hazards involving dangerous substances.

Problems with the requirements from the TFS Directive were expressed by industry members. Financial and administrative burdens associated with shipments of waste between North and South “are not commensurate with the potential risks”.

They also interpretations authorities of notification controls for the movements of waste.

Waste companies, the report stated, did not understand why garden and food waste are deemed notifiable waste (amber list) simply because they are not listed within the TFS regulations or the reason why green (non-hazardous) waste has the same financial and administrative burden as a typical hazardous waste. Participants in the consultation argued that “the costs and administrative burdens being placed upon legitimate businesses, who want to operate in compliance with the regulations, could encourage a black market economy.”

The report recommends TFS clinics to simplify the transport of waste and streamline associated costs, a meeting of regulators to streamline the process for cross-border businesses, and transparency in enforcement at a small operator level.

In light of some of the negative publicity surrounding the waste management industry due to the repatriation of illegally dumped waste, InterTradeIreland stated that “the [waste] industry and regulators need to work with the media to raise the profile of the sector and outline the economic and environmental opportunities.”

During the consultation, arc21, a member of the Chartered Institution of Wastes Management (CIWM) in Northern Ireland, was critical of aspects of the status quo. It stated that there are “major barriers to a holistic approach to waste management across the island including, inter alia, the TFS regulations, the UK import and export plan, and the lack of integrated waste management planning.”

CBI members, meanwhile, “did not have any specific issues with differences in environmental legislation in the two jurisdictions.” However the employers’ representative group did find that while the Northern Ireland Environment Agency (NIEA) has limited flexibility due to environmental legislation mainly being framed by the EU, “there is a view that NIEA remains risk averse in their application of regulations with a desire to avoid any criticism or risk of challenge.”

All-island study shows demand for recyclates

An all-island report on plastic waste has shown that less than a third of plastic waste generated on the island of Ireland in 2009 was recycled, with the same proportion of manufacturing demand for plastic satisfied by recyclate.

The report showed that there is demand for quality standard recyclates from the construction, packaging and “other” sectors (products such as polyester fibres and toys). The study found that the municipal waste stream accounts for 85 per cent of plastic waste collected. Plastic accounts for 14 per cent of overall household and commercial waste across the island. Only 25 per cent of plastic

waste in 2009 was collected for recycling, mainly abroad. Seventy-one per cent of it went to landfill. Of the plastic recycled from households there were 1.6 billion plastic 500ml soft drinks bottles and 1.1 billion plastic 2l milk bottles.

There are 17,978 people employed in the plastics and polymer sector on the island. In Northern Ireland 67 firms provide 6,147 jobs, while in the Republic 179 firms sustain employment for 11,831 people. The report is aimed at providing business with data on the quantity, the quality, type, origin, destination and end use of plastic waste.

Republicanism is not about “a line on a map”, it is about people, fairness and equality, Martin McGuinness told delegates at the annual Sinn Féin ard fheis in Belfast’s Waterfront Hall.

‘Towards a new Republic’ was the slogan of this year’s event; the first to be held in Northern Ireland, where an address by a Presbyterian minister was the biggest talking point.

Despite the fact that Sinn Féin is an all- Ireland party, there remained a slight sense of disparity between MLAs who were focused on the Executive and TDs who were in opposition mode, attacking the Irish Government’s acquiescence to the EU-IMF bailout. Also, while McGuinness referred to unionists as “brothers and sisters to be loved and cherished as we travel on our journey to a new Republic,” Gerry Adams harkened to the party’s more traditional rhetoric, saying: “The Orange state is no more.

This ard fheis, your presence [in Belfast] is further proof of that.”

In his speech on the opening night of the conference, the Reverend David Latimer of First Derry Presbyterian Church embraced McGuinness and referred to him as “one of the true great leaders of modern times.” In an otherwise uncontroversial address Latimer apportioned blame for the Troubles to both sides of the community saying: “By our silence and by our actions, we have together contributed to perpetuating the divisions created, probably at the 1609 settlement of Ulster. That progressively plunged us into the chaos and into the turmoil of the past.”

The DUP was challenged to invite a Catholic priest to address a party conference this year or next and Latimer called for a public day for hope and transformation that would allow everybody involved in the conflict to “acknowledge the pain that each has inflicted … and that we all need to forgive.”

His address received applause and cheers from delegates but the News Letter’s editorial the following Monday summed it up as “a missed opportunity to gain some ground.” It added that the speech did not represent the views of Latimer’s community. The Irish News’ editorial on the same day concluded that the speech was focused on symbolism rather than substance. It suggested that the country-wide day for hope and transformation is worthy of discussion but found the address bland and unchallenging for Sinn Féin.

A new republic, as outlined by the deputy First Minister, would “offer hope to those currently under pressure”. It would be based on equality and fairness and would be “rebuilt and renewed by citizens who will make it our own.”

Gerry Adams’ speech on the Saturday night hinted that the ard chomhairle would select a presidential candidate the following week. He said the party should support the nomination of a candidate “who is capable of winning the support of progressive and nationalist opinion and who will reflect the broad republican spirit of the Irish people at this time.”

That was to be Martin McGuinness whose entry into the presidential campaign has ignited intense scrutiny into his past involvement in the IRA.

Referring to Belfast’s “proud republican history”, Adams name-checked Protestant republicans Henry Joy McCracken, Mary Anne McCracken and William Drennan.

Time constraints, due to live transmission on RTÉ, resulted in the Louth TD focusing on issues facing the Republic: emigration, the bailout, Sinn Féin’s pledge to “grow our way to recovery” through the agri- food sector and the forthcoming Dublin West by-election.

Priorities

Adams’ “personal priority” is to reach out to unionists so both sides “understand how we have hurt each other” and listen to each other. His message to the British Government was that it should “leave the people of this island to manage our own affairs.”

Agriculture Minister Michelle O’Neill called for ambitious, strategic plans across the island that would see the agri- food sector become an economic driver while the other sectors recover. She called for a ‘team Ireland’ approach to be taken to the review of the EU Common Agricultural Policy.

Education Minister John O’Dowd said that young people who value themselves will value their family, their school and community. There was no mention of integrated education. However he did say that through education, Sinn Féin “can tackle discrimination and instil an ethos of equality.”

Culture Minister Carál Ní Chuilín said she is committed to the “rich cultural and linguistic heritage on this island” but predictably only discussed the Irish language and described Líofa 2015, an initiative to help support 1,000 people from Northern Ireland to be fluent in Irish by 2015.

Policing Board member Gerry Kelly called for Police Ombudsman Al Hutchinson to resign and claimed that Matt Baggott must “face down the dinosaurs” who wanted to return policing to “a force within a force” mentality.

One of the party’s brightest sparks in the Dáil is Donegal South West TD Pearse Doherty. He claimed that Sinn Féin would spend €7 billion from the pension reserve fund to create jobs and establish an independent distressed mortgage resolution body.

Another up and coming TD is Cork North Central’s Jonathan O’Brien, who highlighted a worrying increase in the use of heroin in his constituency as people become more financially desperate. He criticised the Republic’s justice system whereby drug dealers are receiving suspended sentences while others are being locked up for failure to pay their bills.

Vice-President Mary Lou McDonald gave a rousing attack on the Fine Gael-Labour coalition saying that “the ordinary people have taken enough.” Sinn Féin “stand shoulder to shoulder with them and if you come after them again, we’ll come right back at you.”

During the course of the weekend, where no alcohol was served during proceedings, delegates voted on 198 motions on education, uniting Ireland, culture, international affairs, housing, political reform, and legacy and truth.

A motion on Libya opposed NATO’s bombing campaign and called on all parties in Libya to resolve the conflict through peaceful dialogue and negotiation. The IRA was, of course, backed by the Gaddafi regime. However, other actors in the peace process have also worked with that regime.

Accepted motions included a new online communications strategy because “the party is not investing adequate resources into making the best possible use of online communications, including the party’s own website and social media.”

Those that were defeated included imposing a quota of 80 per cent of all first time candidates to be under the age of 33 in the 2014 Irish local elections.

This was a party gaining confidence in the Republic due to its success in the general election and its capacity for more gains in the Presidential race at Fianna Fáil’s expense, and one comfortable in its power-sharing role in Northern Ireland.

At present Sinn Féin has one MEP, three senators, five MPs, 29 MLAs (including those MPs) and 14 TDs.