Assembly round-up

Against the backdrop of scandal, a rising sense of crisis put questions over whether the Assembly would continue. The focus eventually moved from Stormont to high profile talks elsewhere. It was definitely not business as usual.

“Events, dear boy, events” were what could throw a government off its track, Harold Macmillan famously said. He saw many in his time, yet probably not in the same intensity or speed as those which are still absorbing Stormont’s attention.

The detail of the scandals around Gerry Adams and the Robinsons is by now wel lknown. Together with the deadlock over policing and justice, they put devolution under intense pressure as 2010 commenced.

A sense of stalemate was apparent before Christmas, with Caitríona Ruane having to set up smaller education boards after the Education and Skills Authority was delayed once again, and Sinn Féin’s warning of deep trouble in the new year if justice devolution did not move forward.

At OFMDFM questions on 7 December, Martin McGuinness said he did not know whether former IRA members were giving advice and support to dissident republicans. McGuinness condemned the dissidents as “totally out of step [and] determined to drag us back to the past.” They had only united the people of Ireland against them, he added.

He also gave his commitment to lobby for childcare vouchers to be retained; Westminster has responsibility for that policy. When Gregory Campbell suggested devolving policing and justice over a 10-year period, McGuinness refused to respond: “I do not think that that question even deserves an answer.”

Events moved rapidly between then and the House’s first sitting after Christmas. Its first priority was the most serious news story of the new year, although it was overshadowed by the Robinson scandal. The House united to condemn the attempted murder of Constable Peadar Heffron, with South Antrim’s David Ford being first to comment.

“The key way in which we, as an Assembly, can act against the dissidents is by showing that politics works, by showing that we can deliver for the people and by demonstrating good governance,” he stated.

Arlene Foster’s appointment as acting First Minister and her appearance at the dispatch box followed later that day. She took questions in that role a week later, during which Alan McFarland suggested a full re-write of the Programme for Government. Foster replied that programme targets were being reviewed but it was important not to “throw the baby out with the bath water.”

Three new MLAs entered the Chamber. Billy Leonard follows Francie Brolly (SF, East Londonderry), Conall McDavitt succeeds Carmel Hanna (SDLP, South Belfast) and Jonathan Bell succeeds the disgraced Mrs Robinson (DUP, Strangford).

With the intervention of Gordon Brown and Brian Cowen, attention shifted from Stormont to Hillsborough and the Assembly’s own proceedings took on a rather surreal quality as its existence hung in balance.

At the time of going to press, a deal seemed increasingly unlikely. If the Assembly does fall, Sinn Féin will be primarily responsible, as no other party has threatened to bring devolution down over this issue.

However, a republican First Minister is not necessarily guaranteed after a new election. There is currently a nine-seat gap between the DUP and Sinn Féin. A decrease in DUP numbers, as seems likely, could therefore see Sinn Féin in the lead but this could be reversed by some form of DUP-UUP unionist pact, as has been rumoured. Together, those two parties are double the size of Sinn Féin.

Hopes were rising that the Assembly could go on but it’s all a far cry from the “never had it so good” days of 2007. To quote another wordsmith of the 1960s, the times are indeed a-changing.